large snake plant outdoor 4-5ft Tall Full Size Green Snake Plant (Zeylanica)
SKU: 34083550839
large snake plant outdoor

large snake plant outdoor 4-5ft Tall Full Size Green Snake Plant (Zeylanica)

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Description

large snake plant outdoor 4-5ft Tall Full Size Green Snake Plant (Zeylanica)Description The snake plant is a type of succulent thats extremely resilient and easy to maintain. Seriously, its hard to kill. It doesnt need to be watered often, and it can tolerate any lightingfrom full shade to full sun. He barely demands anything from you, but he actively offers you something. The Snake plant, aka Sansevieria trifasciata, can purify the air in your house! (NASA said so!) The plant really catches the eye with its vibrant hues and

Description

 

The snake plant is a type of succulent that’s extremely resilient and easy to maintain. Seriously, it’s hard to kill. It doesn’t need to be watered often, and it can tolerate any lighting—from full shade to full sun. He barely demands anything from you, but he actively offers you something. The Snake plant, aka Sansevieria trifasciata, can purify the air in your house! (NASA said so!)

 

The plant really catches the eye with its vibrant hues and unique leaves that look like blades. Blades of grass? Medieval swords? That’s up to you. With hunter greens, emerald splashes, and lime highlights, the Trifasciata is an eye-catcher that will spice up any space.

 

Snake plant wins the “low maintenance” award, permanently

 One time, a customer reached out to us after Covid. He was hoping to replace his plants that had died over the year when no one was in office. He said, "I want all snake plants!" I asked why.

 

He said, "Over the year and a half we weren't in office, no one was there to take care of the plants. Not surprisingly, ALL the plants in there died… EXCEPT for the few snake plants. They were chillin' like Bob Dylan. No light, no water, no care, no problem."

 

Snake plant benefits

Mr. Snake is resilient. It can tolerate drought, too much shade, too much light, or lack of fertilizer. This plant is great for beginners, no matter what color your thumb is! The Snake Plant also filters the air indoors.

 

By inhaling CO2 and converting it into oxygen, even overnight, the Snake plant helps encourage air flow. Snake plants remove allergens and toxins from the surrounding environment—like benzene, formaldehyde, and xylene, among others.

 

Order a snake plant today

Now that you're an expert in Snake Plantery (that’s the official terminology), order a big Snake plant by 7pm ET to get this plant out of our greenhouse in New Jersey tomorrow. Dahing delivers locally in the NJ/NYC area and ships as far as Chicago and Miami.

 

Hop on a video call to pick your EXACT big snake plant, and it will arrive just the way it looks in our greenhouse. (If you are wondering about the arrival time, check with the zip-code validator on top of the Add To Cart button.) Our plant shipping solution is truly protective and innovative to ensure your plants arrive safe and intact!

 

Hop on a video call to explore our greenhouse, and we WILL send out the EXACT plant that you pick out. Just like choosing a plant at a local nursery or garden center, except we have more and fresher plants to choose from—and you can't find our Pafe fine ceramic planter options anywhere else other than our website. :)

 

For any other questions or concerns, please don't hesitate to reach out to us at [email protected] or call/text (609)-968-7063!

 

Care

 

Are Snake plants hard to keep alive?

Snake plants are the easiest plant to keep alive. They’re totally ok in literally any lighting, from full sun to full shade. Put them anywhere you want. Water them occasionally, but it’s ok if you forget. They love to live.

 

What kind of lighting do snake plants need?

Snake plants are insanely flexible about lighting. Full shade? Bright indirect light? Full sun? It’s all good. It’s a master photosynthesiser who knows how to make do with very little sun and how to protect itself from lots of sun.

 

How often do you water a snake plant?

Snake plants are VERY drought tolerant. Do anything you want to it except water it. Ok, that was an exaggeration: You should not gift it to your cat and you should water the plant once every month or so.

 

If you are a regular reader, you're probably familiar with us being reluctant to give a schedule for watering. that's because we don't want to underquote it nor overquote it, and a bajillion factors go into the exact timing. (You don’t have to calculate those factors, just check the soil’s moisture level.)

 

But this is the only plant we can confidently give a schedule for, because we'll just under-quote it, because they're so drought tolerant. Water around once every month or so and you'll be fine.

 

If you want to go the scientific way, rather than the calendar method, then monitor the first 2-3 inches of the soil and only water when the first 2-3 inches are dry across a few spots of the soil.

 

Do Snake plants like bathrooms?

Snake plants love the bathroom! A Snake plant is happy in low lighting and comfortable in temperatures up to 90 degrees. It also purifies the air, and well, we’d bet you could use some air purification in that specific room.

 

Why are Snake plants so popular?

Snake plants are popular for two main reasons. First of all, they look epic. Zig-zaggy green swords, basically. Second, they’re unbelievably easy to keep alive, regardless of the color of your thumb. If you buy one, you’re kinda stuck forever.

 

How do I make my Snake plant happy?

Snake plants are inherently happy, like that girl in high school who got straight A’s, made the cheer team, and had supportive parents. Water when the soil’s dry. Put it wherever you want. Sing a lullaby at bedtime. That’s it.

 

Do Snake plants like their leaves misted?

Don’t mist your Snake plant! It comes from a dry climate, so it doesn’t need misting. In fact, misting can actively hurt your Snake plant. If the water drips down and collects near the roots, it can cause root rot.

 

Should a Snake plant be by a window?

A Snake plant is happy by a window—but it’s happy just about anywhere, including away from a window. It’s even happy in a dim room with little natural light. Basically, put your Snake plant wherever your heart desires.

 

Not pet-friendly

 

Are Snake plants toxic to dogs, cats, or kids?

Sadly, Snake plants are indeed toxic to dogs, cats, and babies—they contain saponins, which can cause nausea, vomiting, diarrhea. For cats, eating a Snake leaf could even hurt their red blood cells through a process called hemolysis.

 

Factoids

 

How tall is the snake plant?

Average Snake plants grow 2 feet tall and ½ foot wide—but our full-size snake plants are around 4 feet tall. If they were actual snakes, they’d be reticulated pythons (we looked it up, that’s the longest snake).

 

That height was measured when we wrote this—better to check with us over a live virtual shopping call. They might be even bigger!

 

What did NASA say about Snake plants?

The NASA Clean Air Study, led by NASA in association with the Associated Landscape Contractors of America, found that Snake plants are particularly good air purifiers. The study investigated which plants could keep a space habitat healthy. Snake plants could!

 

Is it good to sleep next to a Snake plant in the bedroom?

It’s beneficial to sleep next to a snake plant. First of all, it purifies the air and breathes out oxygen, helping you sleep peacefully. Second, it’ll make you smile when you wake up next to it in the morning.

 

Does the Snake plant make oxygen at night?

Most plants don’t release oxygen at night, but the Snake plant does. Most plants need light to photosynthesize—the process that takes in carbon dioxide and releases oxygen—but the Snake plant barely needs light, even during the day.

 

Can I touch my Snake plant, or is it poisonous to the touch?

The Snake plant’s sap can cause an itchy skin rash. We recommend wearing gloves when handling the Snake plant, unless of course you are in the market for an itchy rash. That would be strange, but you do you.

 

Do Snake plants smell good?

When a Snake plant flowers, it smells like vanilla. Some even say jasmine or banana. Unless you hate jasmine or banana (we refuse to believe anyone hates vanilla), it’s delightful. When it’s not flowering, it has a mild planty smell.

 

Does a Snake plant flower indoors?

A Snake plant can bloom inside, but it’s rare. It’s also not a good thing. Snake plants tend to flower when they’re afraid they’re dying, so they can send their progeny off into the world before they meet their fate.

 

If you’ve neglected your Snake plant so much that it freaks out and tries to make babies, you win a special medal for Plant Neglect. Snake plants hardly ever die, so they hardly ever flower. It does, however, smell really good. Win some, lose some.

 

 

Rumors

 

Why is the Snake plant called “mother-in-law’s tongue”?

The Snake plant is called “mother-in-law’s tongue” because the leaves look like sharp tongues, and . . . Well, there’s a certain stereotype. If you had a sharp-tongued MIL, you probably wouldn’t need to ask. Maybe ask your partner.

 

Do Snake plants ward off evil?

In African culture, Snake plants ward off evil spirits. In some Asian countries, they block negative Chi, and in China especially, they have positive feng shui. Plus, in all cultures, it demolishes carbon dioxide and other toxins in the air.

 

Does a Snake plant attract snakes? Or do snakes hate snake plants?

Snakes hate Snake plants! The sharp-edged leaves can slice up their scaly skin. So if you hate snakes as much as snakes hate Snake plants, get some Snake plants to keep the snakes away. (Say that five times fast.)

 

What’s the best room in the house for a Snake plant?

Put the Snake plant wherever you want! Snakey doesn’t care whether he sits by the north window or the south. In feng shui principles, you should put him near your front door, to protect your home from bad energy.

 

What are the magical uses of a Snake plant?

The Snake plant’s first magical power is air purification. In feng shui, it also symbolizes good fortune, good energy, and prosperity. It protects the home and offers mental clarity. If you don’t need any of that, buy a begonia.

 

Are Snake plants bad feng shui?

Thoughts are mixed on the Snake plant’s role in feng shui. Many believe that its sharp leaves represent protection and vitality. Others, however, believe you should avoid sharp plants, especially in your home’s relationship area. It could make you sharp-tongued.

 

 

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John J. Tivenan
Bozeman, US
★★★★★ 5
Real history; not fanciful wishful thinking and self-congratulatory claptrap.
Format: Paperback
Perhaps the most significant, insightful, and honest American history book ever written.
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Reviewed in the United States on June 4, 2026
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R. Russell Bittner
West Palm Beach, US
★★★★★ 5
“This country is not in good condition.” Calvin Coolidge, 1931. (p. 387).
Apart from his unique view of American history and of his treatment of many of the landmark events of that history, Howard Zinn gives us any number of interesting and noteworthy observations in the course of this 700-page text. I beg your indulgence while we look at just a few…. On p. 73, “(t)o say that the Declaration of Independence, even by its own language, was limited to life, liberty and happiness for white males is not to denounce the makers and signers of the Declaration for holding the ideas expected of privileged males of the eighteenth century. Reformers and radicals, looking discontentedly at history, are often accused of expecting too much from a past political epoch – and sometimes they do. But the point of noting those outside the arc of human rights in the Declaration is not, centuries late and pointlessly, to lay impossible moral burdens on that time. It is to try to understand the way in which the Declaration functioned to mobilize certain groups of Americans, ignoring others. Surely, inspirational language to create a secure consensus is still used, in our time, to cover up serious conflicts of interest in that consensus, and to cover up, also, the omission of large parts of the human race.” And then, on p. 96: “(t)he problem of democracy in the post-Revolutionary society was not, however, the Constitutional limitations on voting. It lay deeper, beyond the Constitution, in the division of society into rich and poor. For if some people had great wealth and great influence; if they had the land, the money, the newspapers, the church, the educational system – how could voting, however broad, cut into such power? There was still another problem: wasn’t it the nature of representative government, even when most broadly based, to be conservative, to prevent tumultuous change?” For the answer to that last question, we can, of course, always turn to the pleasantly incendiary words of no less than Thomas Jefferson, which Mr. Zinn naturally and deftly does: “‘I hold it that a little rebellion now and then is a good thing…. It is a medicine necessary for the sound health of government…. God forbid that we should ever be twenty years without such a rebellion…. The Tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants. It is its natural manure.’” One can only imagine how Jefferson would’ve reacted to the following open letter penned by Ralph Waldo Emerson to President Van Buren in 1838 as the still young nation hung its head in shame for the Trail of Tears it had just blazed: “(t)he soul of man, the justice, the mercy that is the heart’s heart in all men, from Maine to Georgia, does abhor this business…a crime is projected that confounds our understanding by its magnitude, a crime that really deprives us as well as the Cherokees of a country for how could we call the conspiracy that should crush these poor Indians our government, or the land that was cursed by their parting and dying imprecations our country any more? You, sir, will bring down that renowned chair in which you sit into infamy if your seal is set to this instrument of perfidy; and the name of this nation, hitherto the sweet omen of religion and liberty, will stink to the world” (p. 147). Was the very noble Van Buren at all distressed by the death of thousands of Cherokee Indians along this Trail of Tears when, at the end of the same year, he spoke to Congress? “It affords sincere pleasure to apprise the Congress of the entire removal of the Cherokee Nation of Indians to their new homes west of the Mississippi. The measures authorized by Congress at its last session have had the happiest effects” (p. 148). (Emphasis is mine.) And if you think that all of the wars the U. S. participated in right up to Vietnam were “good” wars (as I did until now), consider what we have in the way of a diary entry from a certain Colonel Hitchcock: “I have said from the first that the United States are the aggressors…. We have not one particle of right to be here…. It looks as if the government sent a small force on purpose to bring on a war, so as to have a pretext for taking California and as much of this country as it chooses, for, whatever becomes of this army, there is no doubt of a war between the United States and Mexico…. My heart is not in this business … but, as a military man, I am bound to execute orders” (p. 151). As I’ve already said, Zinn has a singular way of characterizing some of history’s more significant events. As yet another example, I give you the following from p. 171 (on the first page of Chapter 9, titled “Slavery without Submission, Emancipation without Freedom”: “…it was Abraham Lincoln who freed the slaves, not John Brown. In 1859, John Brown was hanged, with federal complicity, for attempting to do by small-scale violence what Lincoln would do by large-scale violence several years later – end slavery.” And lest there still be any doubt about Abraham Lincoln’s position on American blacks and the issue of slavery, Zinn gives us these two very telltale quotes: “I will say, then, that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races; that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people…. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, and I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race” (p. 188). Moreover, and in direct response to the Editor of the New York Tribune, Horace Greeley, we find this (on p. 191): “Dear Sir: … I have not meant to leave any one in doubt…. My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or destroy Slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about Slavery and the colored race, I do because it helps to save this Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union…. I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty, and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men, everywhere, could be free. Yours, A. Lincoln.” But history (and human “progress”) moves on – and so, we have this: “(i)n 1877, (the year, according to David Burbank, in his book REIGN OF THE RABBLE, ‘no American city has come so close to being ruled by a workers’ soviet, as we would now call it, as St. Louis, Missouri’ – p. 250), the same year blacks learned they did not have enough strength to make real the promise of equality in the Civil War, working people learned they were not united enough, not powerful enough, to defeat the combination of private capital and government power” (p. 251). And Zinn then opens Chapter 11 (“Robber Barons and Rebels”) with this: “(i)n the year 1877, the signals were given for the rest of the century: the black would be put back; the strikes of white workers would not be tolerated; the industrial and political elites of North and South would take hold of the country and organize the greatest march of economic growth in human history. They would do it with the aid of, and at the expense of, black labor, white labor, Chinese labor, European immigrant labor, female labor, rewarding them differently by race, sex, national origin, and social class, in such a way as to create separate levels of oppression – a skillful terracing to stabilize the pyramid of wealth” (p. 253). For those who think the “Occupy Wall Street” movement of the new millennium was a singular invention of the millennial generation, you might want to consider what Mary Ellen Lease, of the newly formed People’s Party, had to tell those assembled at that party’s first convention in 1890 in Topeka, KS: “Wall Street owns the country. It is no longer a government of the people, by the people, and for the people, but a government of Wall Street, by Wall Street and for Wall Street…. Our laws are the output of a system which clothes rascals in robes and honesty in rags…. The politicians said we suffered from overproduction. Overproduction, when 10,000 little children … starve to death every year in the U. S. and over 100,000 shop girls in New York are forced to sell their virtue for bread…. “There are thirty men in the United States whose aggregate wealth is over one and one-half billion dollars. There are half a million looking for work…. We want money, land and transportation. We want the abolition of the National Banks, and we want the power to make loans direct from the government. We want the accursed foreclosure system wiped out…. We will stand by our homes and stay by our firesides by force if necessary, and we will not pay our debts to the loan-shark companies until the Government pays its debts to us. “The people are at bay, let the bloodhounds of money who have dogged us thus far beware” (p. 288). For those (like me until now) who’ve always thought only the best of Teddy Roosevelt, the following two direct quotes – not to mention William James’s rejoinder – might be a bit of a news-breaker: “(i)n strict confidence…I should welcome almost any war, for I think this country needs one” (p. 297). And in his address to the Naval War College, he has this to say: “(a)ll the great masterful races have been fighting races…. No triumph of peace is quite so great as the supreme triumph of war” (p. 300). Thankfully – and from James – comes the sobering suggestion that he (Roosevelt) “gushes over war as the ideal condition of human society, for the manly strenuousness which it involves, and treats peace as a condition of blubberlike and swollen ignobility, fit only for huckstering weaklings, dwelling in gray twilight and heedless of the higher life…” (p. 300). For those who think Obama’s recent initiative at a rapprochement with Cuba bodes well for that impoverished Caribbean island, you might want to consider what another historian, Philip Foner, writes about the last time (towards the end of the nineteenth century) this country took a keen interest in Old Havana: “(e)ven before the Spanish flag was down in Cuba, U. S. business interests set out to make their influence felt. Merchants, real estate agents, stock speculators, reckless adventurers, and promoters of all kinds of get-rich schemes flocked to Cuba by the thousands. Seven syndicates battled each other for control of the franchises for the Havana Street Railway, which were finally won by Percival Farquhar, representing the Wall Street interests of New York. Thus, simultaneously with the military occupation began … commercial occupation” (p. 310). But it gets even better on the other side of the planet, and the same William James who pronounced upon the clearly bellicose character of Teddy Roosevelt has the last word on American behavior in the Pacific: “God dam* the U. S. for its vile conduct in the Philippine Isles” (p. 315). And on that same subject, consider what none other than Mark Twain has to say: “(w)e have pacified some thousands of the islanders and buried them; destroyed their fields; burned their villages, and turned their widows and orphans out-of-doors; furnished heartbreak by exile to some dozens of disagreeable patriots; subjugated the remaining ten millions by Benevolent Assimilation, which is the pious new name of the musket; we have acquired property in the three hundred concubines and other slaves of our business partner, the Sultan of Sulu, and hoisted our protecting flag over that sway. “And so, by these Providences of God – and the phrase is the government’s, not mine – we are a World Power” (p. 316). Where, by the way, was all of this war-mongering and industrial development at breakneck speed headed? Zinn’s choice of a quote from Sinclair Lewis’s BABBITT couldn’t be more appropriate: “(i)t was the best of nationally advertised and quantitatively produced alarm-clocks, with all modern attachments, including cathedral chime, intermittent alarm, and a phosphorescent dial. Babbitt was proud of being awakened by such a rich device. Socially it was almost as creditable as buying expensive cord tires. “He sulkily admitted now that there was no more escape, but he lay and detested the grind of the real-estate business, and disliked his family, and disliked himself for disliking them” (pp. 383-384). Two more brief quotes from Howard Zinn himself, and then I’ll conclude. On p. 636, “(w)e may, in the coming years, be in a race for the mobilization of middle-class discontent.” And almost immediately following, on p. 637, “(c)apitalism has always been a failure for the lower classes. It is now beginning to fail for the middle classes.” I suggested, at the beginning of this review, that Howard Zinn had a “unique view of American history.” That suggestion was in no sense ironic or tongue-in-cheek. After a couple of weeks and 700+ pages, I can only say that this is some of the most valuable reading time I’ve ever spent. I’m humbled – and yes, also somewhat ashamed – that I’ve discovered this historian and his work at the very ripe old age of 64. I obviously wish it could’ve been sooner. But as it was not, the next best thing I could do was give my copy of A PEOPLE'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES, still slightly warm to the touch, to my daughter on the occasion of her 21st birthday. God willing, she’ll grow up better informed than I – at the very least, about the country whose passport she carries. RRB 06/08/15 Brooklyn, NY
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Reviewed in the United States on June 9, 2015
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John Klinger
Lexington, US
★★★★★ 5
A must read
Format: Paperback
Great book! Show what you should eat to help yourself. Everyone should read this book.
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Reviewed in the United States on March 30, 2026
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Dark Angel
Massapequa, US
★★★★★ 4
Worthwhile Read
Format: Hardcover
Extremely insightful.
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Reviewed in the United States on May 11, 2026
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Verified Purchase
William Echols
Lake Worth, US
★★★★★ 5
Beyond the Usual Left/Right bifurcation
When thinking about Howard Zinn's "A People's History of the United States, I am reminded of E.H. Carr's seminal work "What is History?" whereby he stated: "The belief in a hard core of historical facts existing objectively and independently of the interpretation of the historian is a preposterous fallacy, but one which it is very hard to eradicate". As Carr famously stated, millions of people had crossed the Rubicon, but only Julius Caesar's crossing in 49 BC has been given normative value by historians. For those familiar with the philosophical treatment of historical understanding in Tolstoy's War and Peace, this sentiment will ring true. A People's History is designed to give voice to those millions who passed the rubicon but never found their way into the annuals of history. A couple of points. This book was intended to be a supplement as opposed to a strictly chronological account of history that will give you the bullet points for the most important people, dates and events. [sic] It is not meant to be a replacement for a more standardized textbook. Secondly, Zinn did not hate America, and he in fact stated: "I want young people to understand that ours is a beautiful country, but it has been taken over by men who have no respect for human rights or constitutional liberties. Our people are basically decent and caring, and our highest ideals are expressed in the Declaration of Independence, which was that all of us have an equal right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. The history of our country, I point out in my book, is a striving, against corporate robber barons and war makers, to make those ideals a reality-and all of us, of whatever age, can find immense satisfaction in becoming part of that." Regardless of your political position, between the Great Recession and the Iraq war, there is a relevance to this sentiment that cuts across political lines. Now, what one will notice in the bulk of the one star reviews is the sense that either the reviewer has not read the book, they copied and pasted their criticism from another source or they have strictly given the book one star because it does not conform with their view of reality. "Blame America first", "socialism", "communism", "Marx, "liberal propaganda", you can easily get the gist of the talking points because many American conservatives apparently got the same memo in dismissing anything they don't agree with. The disservice they do to themselves and the sphere of ideas in the outright dismissal of any perspective which does not conform to their own is truly sad. When someone gives a book one star merely for not conforming to their view of reality,they have obviously lost the plot. In university I knew many conservative history professors who liked and used Zinn's work. They believed it was important to incorporate and deal with the claims that Zinn made. You cannot whitewash history and blindly stick by the most comforting narrative. That does not mean that one should agree with Zinn's conclusions or think that he has a monopoly on the truth. Zinn himself would not have wanted that. For those who claim Zinn is a socialist or any other kind of -ist, that he is not completely objective, they have obviously never done any research. Pure positivism was dismissed long ago. Even Max Webber started that our subjective bias comes in the moment we choose to study something, for by seeing the subject matter as valuable, we have placed a normative value on it. There is no pure value objectivity, stating one's position and bias from the outset is what responsible social scientists do these days. A dryly academic text with an obvious bias concealed by a detached form of writing gives a falsely omniscient perspective whose reality is psychological but not objective. However they write, they are just a person, and without expressing their biases it will inevitably turn up in their work without necessarily being obvious. This is far more dangerous than what Zinn does in stating his bias from the outset. So it is a red herring to dismiss Zinn for having a perspective. We all have one and it will come into whatever we do. There is no knowable, objective reality (for humans) living in the Platonic world of perfect forms. History was a puzzle of immeasurable size that was blown apart and the pieces scattered over the cosmos. The vast majority of the pieces are gone, never to return. We are stabbing at an imperfect speculation, not ultimate truth when we engage in historical study. Any physicist will tell you that the particle wave duality of light has pretty much closed the book on the notion that we can objectively, perfectly know anything. This book is important because the poison of partisan politics has come to dominate even the dialogue of academic research. If the sole criterion for giving a book one star is the notion that you don't agree with its thesis, then you obviously live in a fragile world and are incapable of being challenged intellectually. This book is of the upmost importance for the conservative to read and digest. In developing a coherent narrative of the United States, you need to wrestle with its sins and determine, despite our historical shortcomings and transgressions, what is it that makes this imperfect union the pinnacle of nation states if one agrees with that prospect. For the liberal, you should not view Zinn's work as the last word on anything, but rather use it as a stepping stone to further develop your own historical understanding and consider how well has American done on a relative scale in light of the political, societal and human failings that have marred all human civilizations. This book is well worth the challenges it presents, and should be a 5 star treat for the conservative who loves his country and wants to develop the most cogent and nuanced argument as to why that is the case despite those unsettling realities to be found in this book as well as the liberal who wants to give voice to his disaffection with certain aspects of American society and the reasons why we need to change it. This is not another tool in the mindless and poisonous Manichean bifurcation of American politics. It is a vehicle to help you strengthen and deepen your understanding of US history, regardless from which direction you are coming. Recommended to all who are interested in the journey of learning as opposed to a presupposed outcome that serves a vested interest.
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Reviewed in the United States on February 13, 2010

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